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What the IDF expects in new Gaza offensive


Despite expected opposition from Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and Shas party leader Aryeh Deri, who lacks voting rights, senior government officials predict strong support for Netanyahu’s plan.

“The current direction is occupation, but in the Middle East, things can shift rapidly,” cautioned one senior official. He noted U.S. efforts to propose a humanitarian response, adding, “right now, things are heading toward full occupation, but that could change.”

Senior IDF officials unanimously agree that defeating Hamas requires renewed ground operations in its strongholds, particularly in western Gaza City, central towns untouched by ground forces since the October 7, 2023, Hamas massacre and the Mawasi camps west of Khan Younis.

The debate extends beyond tactical concerns, such as risks to hostages or the timing for an exhausted military needing at least a year to recover after nearly two years of relentless combat. The core issue lies in the absence of a long-term strategic vision for Gaza’s future, a decision Netanyahu has consistently avoided.

Options include re-establishing Israeli settlements under military governance, a multinational Arab-American administration involving Egypt, the UAE and Jordan, Palestinian Authority control over Gaza’s two million residents or allowing a weakened Hamas to persist as a civilian authority, potentially justifying annexation of captured territories.

These choices, or a combination thereof, should have been addressed in the Cabinet’s first Gaza discussion in November 2023, but the government has repeatedly sidestepped them.

“This is the first war where the IDF was sent to fight without a clear goal, then blamed for failing to achieve it,” security officials said, emphasizing that any strategic decision will spark domestic and international controversy, requiring political leaders to justify its necessity to both Israelis and the global community.

The IDF, under Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, resists being used for aimless fighting or delaying tactics, especially after expending three times more resources—ammunition, personnel and time—against Hamas compared to Hezbollah, a far stronger adversary.
Security officials point to the Lebanon ceasefire, secured through U.S.-Lebanese oversight and Hezbollah’s partial disarmament, as a success driven by Netanyahu’s complementary political strategy, contrasting with the unresolved Gaza approach.

“The occupation of Gaza is not a goal; it’s a means to a legitimate security and political end. Presenting it as the goal, as if failure rests with the IDF, distorts reality,” officials added.

Zamir has urged a hostage deal to ease the burden on IDF combat soldiers, allowing focus on defeating Hamas, even if the group retains its weapons and future clashes remain inevitable after a year of military stabilization.

3 View gallery

עקורים פלסטינים חוזרים לצפון רצועת עזהעקורים פלסטינים חוזרים לצפון רצועת עזה

Displaced Palestinians returning to northern Gaza

(צילום: REUTERS/Ramadan Abed)

Facing depleted resources and fatigued forces, Zamir advocates a phased encirclement of Gaza City over immediate occupation, a compromise Netanyahu may accept to gain time. Since the IDF withdrew from the Netzarim Corridor in January, approximately 800,000 Palestinians have returned to Gaza City, reducing civilian evacuations compared to the war’s early days.

A massive reservist call-up is unlikely before summer’s end, leaving the operation reliant on young active-duty soldiers, as seen in recent Operation Gideon’s Chariots. Hamas’s strongholds in neighborhoods like Sabra, Shati, Rimal and Sheikh Ajlin, bolstered by restored tunnels, pose significant challenges.

Military intelligence estimates over 10,000 Hamas terrorists have returned to northern Gaza via the Netzarim Corridor. Central towns like Deir al-Balah and Nuseirat, where Hamas retains two capable battalions and the sprawling Mawasi area, sheltering mid-level commanders among hundreds of thousands of displaced persons, further complicate the mission.

“Three weeks to clear a neighborhood often stretches to three months,” officials noted, highlighting the prolonged nature of past operations. The Mawasi region, a vast displaced persons’ hub west of Khan Younis, presents the most complex challenge, with Hamas leaders like Mohammed Deif having sought refuge there.

The IDF’s advantage lies in coastal proximity, enabling naval support and the recently secured Magen Oz Corridor, hindering militant escapes eastward or to devastated Rafah. Lawmakers project a four-to-six-month operation, but past promises of swift victories have consistently unraveled, underscoring the uncertainty of the Gaza war’s next chapter.



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